Fouberg Human Geography Reading & Study Guide

Expansion of auto-oriented, low-density development in suburbs

Measures for urban sprawl in Europe: upper left the Dispersion of the built-up area (DIS), upper right the weighted urban proliferation (WUP)

Urban sprawl (also known as suburban sprawl or urban inroad [i]) is defined equally "the spreading of urban developments (such as houses and shopping centers) on undeveloped country near a city".[ii] Urban sprawl has been described as the unrestricted growth in many urban areas of housing, commercial development, and roads over large expanses of country, with piffling business organization for urban planning.[3] In addition to describing a special form of urbanization, the term also relates to the social and environmental consequences associated with this development.[iv] Medieval suburbs suffered from loss of protection of city walls, before the advent of industrial warfare. Modern disadvantages and costs include increased travel time, send costs, pollution, and destruction of countryside.[v] The cost of edifice urban infrastructure for new developments is inappreciably e'er recouped through holding taxes, amounting to a subsidy for the developers and new residents at the expense of existing property taxpayers.[half-dozen]

In Continental Europe, the term peri-urbanisation is ofttimes used to announce like dynamics and phenomena, merely the term urban sprawl is currently beingness used by the European Surroundings Agency. There is widespread disagreement well-nigh what constitutes sprawl and how to quantify it. For instance, some commentators mensurate sprawl by residential density, using the boilerplate number of residential units per acre in a given expanse. Others associate information technology with decentralization (spread of population without a well-divers middle), discontinuity (leapfrogging evolution, every bit defined below), segregation of uses, and then forth.

The term urban sprawl is highly politicized and almost ever has negative connotations. It is criticized for causing environmental deposition, intensifying segregation, and undermining the vitality of existing urban areas and is attacked on artful grounds. The pejorative meaning of the term means that few openly support urban sprawl equally such. The term has become a rallying weep for managing urban growth.[vii]

Definition [edit]

The term "urban sprawl" was kickoff used in an commodity in The Times in 1955 as a negative comment on the land of London'south outskirts. Definitions of sprawl vary; researchers in the field admit that the term lacks precision.[8] Batty et al. defined sprawl as "uncoordinated growth: the expansion of customs without concern for its consequences, in brusk, unplanned, incremental urban growth which is oft regarded unsustainable."[9] Bhatta et al. wrote in 2010 that despite a dispute over the precise definition of sprawl, there is a "general consensus that urban sprawl is characterized past [an] unplanned and uneven design of growth, driven past a multitude of processes and leading to inefficient resources utilization."[10]

Reid Ewing has shown that sprawl has typically been characterized every bit urban developments exhibiting at least one of the post-obit characteristics: low-density or unmarried-use evolution, strip development, scattered development, and/or leapfrog evolution (areas of development interspersed with vacant land).[11] He argued that a better mode to place sprawl was to use indicators rather than characteristics because this was a more than flexible and less arbitrary method.[12] He proposed using "accessibility" and "functional open space" as indicators.[12] Ewing's approach has been criticized for assuming that sprawl is defined by negative characteristics.[11]

What constitutes sprawl may be considered a affair of degree and will always be somewhat subjective under many definitions of the term.[12] Ewing has also argued that suburban development does not, per se institute sprawl depending on the form it takes,[12] although Gordon & Richardson have argued that the term is sometimes used synonymously with suburbanization in a pejorative way.[13]

Despite its reputation for urban sprawl and auto culture, Los Angeles is the densest major built-up urban area in the Usa.

Metropolitan Los Angeles for case, despite popular notions of being a sprawling city, is the densest major urban surface area (over 1,000,000 population) in the U.s.a., being denser than the New York urban surface area and the San Francisco urban area.[xiv] [15] [16] In the United States, for example, well-nigh of metropolitan Los Angeles is congenital at more than uniform low to moderate density, leading to a much higher overall density for the unabridged region. This is in dissimilarity to New York, San Francisco or Chicago which have compact, high-density cores surrounded by areas of very low-density suburban periphery, such as eastern Suffolk Canton in the New York metro area and Marin County in the San Francisco Bay Area.

Some cases of sprawl challenge the definition of the term and what conditions are necessary for urban growth to exist considered sprawl. Metropolitan regions such Greater Mexico City,[17] Delhi National Capital Region[18] and Beijing, are ofttimes regarded every bit sprawling despite being relatively dense and mixed utilize.[ citation needed ]

Examples [edit]

Co-ordinate to the National Resources Inventory (NRI), almost 44,000,000 acres (69,000 sq mi; 180,000 km2) of land in the United States was adult betwixt 1982 and 2017.[19] Presently, the NRI classifies approximately 100,000 more square kilometres (40,000 foursquare miles) (an area approximately the size of Kentucky) every bit developed than the Demography Bureau classifies as urban. The difference in the NRI classification is that it includes rural development, which by definition cannot exist considered to exist "urban" sprawl. Currently, according to the 2000 Census, approximately two.half-dozen percent of the U.Southward. state area is urban.[20] [ needs update ] Approximately 0.8 percent of the nation'due south land is in the 37 urbanized areas with more than i,000,000 population. In 2002, these 37 urbanized areas supported around xl% of the total American population.[21] [ needs update ]

All the same, some urban areas like Detroit accept expanded geographically fifty-fifty while losing population. Merely it was not just urbanized areas in the U.Southward. that lost population and sprawled substantially. According to data in "Cities and Automobile Dependence" by Kenworthy and Laube (1999), urbanized area population losses occurred while at that place was an expansion of sprawl between 1970 and 1990 in Amsterdam, the netherlands; Brussels, Belgium; Copenhagen, Kingdom of denmark; Frankfurt, Hamburg and Munich, Germany; and Zurich, Switzerland, albeit without the dismantling of infrastructure that occurred in the United States.[ citation needed ]

History [edit]

Many theories speculate as to the reason for the creation of urban sprawl. The theory of "flight from blight" explains that aspects of living in urban areas, such as loftier taxes, crime rates, poor infrastructure and school qualities atomic number 82 to many people moving out of urban areas and into surrounding suburban cities.[22]

Others suggest that Urban Sprawl is a natural product of population increases, higher wages, and therefore ameliorate access to housing. Improvement in transportation also means that individuals are able to alive further from big cities and industrial hubs, thus increasing demand for meliorate housing further from the racket of cities. This leads to the creation of sprawling residential land development surrounding densely packed urban cities.[23]

Characteristics [edit]

Despite the lack of a articulate agreed upon description of what defines sprawl most definitions oft associate the following characteristics with sprawl.[ citation needed ]

Unmarried-use development [edit]

This refers to a situation where commercial, residential, institutional and industrial areas are separated from one another. Consequently, large tracts of land are devoted to a single use and are segregated from ane another past open space, infrastructure, or other barriers. Every bit a result, the places where people live, work, shop, and recreate are far from one another, normally to the extent that walking, transit use and bicycling are impractical, then all these activities generally crave a car.[24] The degree to which different country uses are mixed together is often used as an indicator of sprawl in studies of the subject.[10]

According to this criterion, Cathay's urbanization tin be classified every bit "high-density sprawl", a seemingly self-contradictory term coined by New Urbanist Peter Calthorpe. He explains that despite the high-rise buildings, China's superblocks (huge residential blocks) are largely single-use and surrounded by giant arterial roads, which detach different functions of a city and create an environment unfriendly to pedestrians.[25] [26]

Job sprawl and spatial mismatch [edit]

Job sprawl is another land apply symptom of urban sprawl and car-dependent communities. It is defined equally low-density, geographically spread-out patterns of employment, where the bulk of jobs in a given metropolitan area are located outside of the main city'due south key business district (CBD), and increasingly in the suburban periphery. It is oft the result of urban disinvestment, the geographic liberty of employment location allowed by predominantly car-dependent commuting patterns of many American suburbs, and many companies' desire to locate in low-density areas that are often more affordable and offer potential for expansion. Spatial mismatch is related to chore sprawl and economic environmental justice. Spatial mismatch is defined as the situation where poor urban, predominantly minority citizens are left without like shooting fish in a barrel admission to entry-level jobs, as a result of increasing job sprawl and express transportation options to facilitate a reverse commute to the suburbs.

Job sprawl has been documented and measured in various ways. It has been shown to exist a growing tendency in America'south metropolitan areas.[28] The Brookings Institution has published multiple articles on the topic. In 2005, author Michael Stoll defined job sprawl simply every bit jobs located more than 5-mile (8.0 km) radius from the CBD, and measured the concept based on year 2000 U.S. Census data.[29] Other ways of measuring the concept with more detailed rings around the CBD include a 2001 article by Edward Glaeser[30] and Elizabeth Kneebone's 2009 article, which testify that sprawling urban peripheries are gaining employment while areas closer to the CBD are losing jobs.[31] These two authors used three geographic rings express to a 35-mile (56 km) radius around the CBD: 3 miles (4.8 km) or less, three to 10 miles (16 km), and 10 to 35 miles (56 km). Kneebone'south report showed the following nationwide breakdown for the largest metropolitan areas in 2006: 21.3% of jobs located in the inner band, 33.half-dozen% of jobs in the 3–10 mile band, and 45.i% in the 10–35 mile band. This compares to the yr 1998 – 23.iii%, 34.2%, and 42.5% in those respective rings. The study shows CBD employment share shrinking, and job growth focused in the suburban and exurban outer metropolitan rings.

Low-density [edit]

Low-density housing placed between large farms in an exurban customs in Tennessee

Sprawl often refers to low-density development.[11] In that location is no precise definition of "depression density", but it might commonly mean Single-family homes on large lots. Such buildings ordinarily have fewer stories and are spaced further apart, separated by lawns, landscaping, roads or parking lots. In the United States two–4 houses per acre (5–x per hectare) might exist considered depression-density while in the Great britain 8–12 per acre (or xx–30 per hectare) would still be considered low-density.[11] Because more automobiles are used in the USA, much more land is designated for parking. The impact of low density evolution in many communities is that developed or "urbanized" state is increasing at a faster charge per unit than the population is growing.[ citation needed ]

Overall density is frequently lowered by "leapfrog development". This term refers to the relationship, or lack of it, between subdivisions. Such developments are typically separated by big green belts, i.east. tracts of undeveloped land, resulting in an overall density far lower even than the depression density indicated past localized per-acre measurements. This is a 20th and 21st century phenomenon generated past the electric current custom of requiring a programmer to provide subdivision infrastructure as a condition of development.[32] Usually, the developer is required to prepare bated a certain pct of the developed state for public utilize, including roads, parks and schools. In the past, when a local regime built all the streets in a given location, the town could expand without break and with a coherent circulation system, because it had condemnation power. Private developers mostly practice not accept such power (although they tin can sometimes find local governments willing to help), and frequently choose to develop on the tracts that happen to exist for auction at the fourth dimension they want to build, rather than pay extra or wait for a more appropriate location.

Some research argues that religious ideas about how humans should alive (and die) promote depression-density development and may contribute to urban sprawl.[33] [34]

Conversion of agricultural land to urban use [edit]

Land for sprawl is often taken from fertile agricultural lands, which are often located immediately surrounding cities; the extent of modern sprawl has consumed a big corporeality of the most productive agricultural land,[35] likewise equally forest, desert and other wilderness areas.[36] In the United States the seller may avoid revenue enhancement on turn a profit by using a tax break exempting like-kind exchanges from uppercase gains tax; proceeds from the auction are used to buy agricultural land elsewhere and the transaction is treated as a "bandy" or trade of similar assets and no taxation is due. Thus urban sprawl is subsidized past the revenue enhancement code.[37] In China, land has been converted from rural to urban use in accelerate of demand, leading to vacant rural land intended for future evolution, and eventual urban sprawl.[38]

Housing subdivisions [edit]

Sprawl in Milton, Ontario. This photo is an example of Canadian exurban development, though recently attempts are made to reduce this type of development in many major cities.

Housing subdivisions are large tracts of land consisting entirely of newly built residences. New Urbanist architectural firm Duany Plater-Zyberk & Visitor state that housing subdivisions "are sometimes called villages, towns, and neighbourhoods by their developers, which is misleading since those terms announce places that are not exclusively residential."[39] They are also referred to as developments.

Subdivisions often comprise curved roads and cul-de-sacs. These subdivisions may offer only a few places to enter and go out the evolution, causing traffic to use high volume collector streets. All trips, no thing how brusk, must enter the collector road in a suburban organization.[39]

Lawn [edit]

Later on the Second World State of war, residential lawns became commonplace in suburbs, notably, merely not exclusively in North America.[40] The development of country clubs and golf courses in the early 20th century further promoted lawn culture in the United states.[41] Lawns now take up a significant corporeality of country in suburban developments, contributing to sprawl.[xl]

Commercial developments [edit]

In areas of sprawl, commercial use is mostly segregated from other uses. In the U.S. and Canada, these frequently have the form of strip malls, which refer to collections of buildings sharing a common parking lot, commonly built on a high-capacity roadway with commercial functions (i.due east., a "strip"). Like developments in the Uk are called Retail Parks. Strip malls consisting by and large of big box stores or category killers are sometimes called "power centers" (U.S.). These developments tend to be low-density; the buildings are single-story and there is ample space for parking and access for delivery vehicles. This grapheme is reflected in the spacious landscaping of the parking lots and walkways and clear signage of the retail establishments. Some strip malls are undergoing a transformation into Lifestyle centers; entailing investments in common areas and facilities (plazas, cafes) and shifting tenancy from daily appurtenances to recreational shopping.

Walmart Supercenter in Luray, Virginia.

Some other prominent form of retail development in areas characterized past sprawl is the shopping mall. Unlike the strip mall, this is ordinarily equanimous of a single edifice surrounded by a parking lot that contains multiple shops, unremarkably "anchored" by 1 or more department stores (Gruen and Smith 1960). The function and size is also singled-out from the strip mall. The focus is most exclusively on recreational shopping rather than daily appurtenances. Shopping malls as well tend to serve a wider (regional) public and crave college-order infrastructure such equally highway access and can accept floorspaces in backlog of a million foursquare anxiety (ca. 100,000 m²). Shopping malls are often detrimental to downtown shopping centres of nearby cities since the shopping malls deed as a surrogate for the city heart (Crawford 1992). Some downtowns have responded to this challenge by building shopping centres of their own (Frieden and Sagelyn 1989).

Fast food chains are ofttimes congenital early in areas with low property values where the population is expected to nail and where large traffic is predicted, and set a precedent for hereafter development. Eric Schlosser, in his volume Fast Nutrient Nation, argues that fast food chains accelerate suburban sprawl and help fix its tone with their expansive parking lots, flashy signs, and plastic architecture (65). Duany Plater Zyberk & Company believe that this reinforces a destructive pattern of growth in an endless quest to motility abroad from the sprawl that only results in creating more of it.[39]

Effect [edit]

Environmental [edit]

Urban sprawl is associated with a number of negative environmental outcomes.

Ane of the major ecology problems associated with sprawl is land loss, habitat loss and subsequent reduction in biodiversity. A review by Czech and colleagues[43] finds that urbanization endangers more species and is more geographically ubiquitous in the mainland United States than any other human activity. Urban sprawl is confusing to native flora & beast and introduces invasive plants into their environments.[44] Although the effects can be mitigated through careful maintenance of native vegetation, the process of ecological succession and public education, sprawl represents one of the main threats to biodiversity.[44]

Regions with high nascency rates and clearing are therefore faced with environmental problems due to unplanned urban growth and emerging megacities such equally Kolkata.[45]

Other problems include:

  • flooding, which results from increased impervious surfaces for roads and parking (see urban runoff)[46]
  • increased temperatures from estrus islands, which leads to a significantly increased risk of mortality in elderly populations.[ citation needed ]

At the same time, the urban cores of these and near all other major cities in the U.s.a., Western Europe, and Japan that did not annex new territory experienced the related phenomena of falling household size and, particularly in the U.Southward., "white flight", sustaining population losses.[47] This trend has slowed somewhat in recent years, as more than people have regained an interest in urban living.

Due to the larger surface area consumed past sprawling suburbs compared to urban neighborhoods, more farmland and wild fauna habitats are displaced per resident. As forest cover is cleared and covered with impervious surfaces (concrete and asphalt) in the suburbs, rainfall is less effectively absorbed into the groundwater aquifers.[24] This threatens both the quality and quantity of water supplies. Sprawl increases water pollution every bit pelting water picks upwardly gasoline, motor oil, heavy metals, and other pollutants in runoff from parking lots and roads.

Gordon & Richardson accept argued that the conversion of agricultural land to urban utilise is not a problem due to the increasing efficiency of agricultural output; they argue that amass agronomical production is still more than sufficient to meet global nutrient needs despite the expansion of urban land use.[48]

Health [edit]

Sprawl leads to increased driving, which in turn leads to vehicle emissions that contribute to air pollution and its attendant negative impacts on human health. In addition, the reduced physical activity implied by increased automobile use has negative health consequences. Sprawl significantly predicts chronic medical conditions and wellness-related quality of life, but not mental health disorders.[49] The American Journal of Public Wellness and the American Journal of Health Promotion, have both stated that there is a significant connection between sprawl, obesity, and hypertension.[50]

In the years post-obit World War Ii, when vehicle ownership was becoming widespread, public health officials recommended the health benefits of suburbs due to soot and industrial fumes in the city center. However, air in modern suburbs is non necessarily cleaner than air in urban neighborhoods.[51] In fact, the most polluted air is on crowded highways, where people in suburbs tend to spend more time. On average, suburban residents generate more per capita pollution and carbon emissions than their urban counterparts considering of their increased driving,[24] [52] [53] every bit well as larger homes.[54]

Sprawl too reduces the chance that people will take the cycle for their commute which would be amend for their health. Bicycles are a mutual mode of transportation for those living in urban centers due to many factors. Ane major factor many people consider relates to how, when one rides a bike to, say, their workplace, they are exercising equally they do so. This multi-tasking is better for one'southward health than automatic transport.

Safety [edit]

A heavy reliance on automobiles increases traffic throughout the metropolis likewise as automobile crashes, pedestrian injuries, and air pollution.[55] Motor vehicle crashes are the leading cause of death for Americans between the ages of v and twenty-4 and is the leading blow-related cause for all historic period groups.[56] Residents of more sprawling areas are generally at greater hazard of dying in a car crash due to increased exposure to driving.[24] Evidence indicates that pedestrians in sprawling areas are at higher risk than those in denser areas, although the relationship is less clear than for drivers and passengers in vehicles.[24]

Research covered in the Journal of Economical Issues and State and Local Authorities Review shows a link between sprawl and emergency medical services response and burn down department response delays.[57] [58] [59]

Increased infrastructure/transportation costs [edit]

NorthAmericanPublicTransport.png

Living in larger, more spread out spaces by and large makes public services more expensive. Since machine usage becomes endemic and public transport oft becomes significantly more than expensive, city planners are forced to build highway and parking infrastructure, which in plow decreases taxable country and revenue, and decreases the desirability of the area adjacent to such structures.[ citation needed ] Providing services such every bit water, sewers, and electricity is besides more expensive per household in less dense areas, given that sprawl increases lengths of power lines and pipes, necessitating higher maintenance costs .[sixty]

Residents of low-density areas spend a higher proportion of their income on transportation than residents of high density areas.[61] The unplanned nature of outward urban evolution is ordinarily linked to increased dependency on cars. In 2003, a British newspaper calculated that urban sprawl would cause an economic loss of 3905 pounds per year, per person through cars alone, based on information from the RAC estimating that the average cost of operating a automobile in the Britain at that time was £5,000 a year, while railroad train travel (bold a denizen commutes every twenty-four hours of the year, with a ticket toll of 3 pounds) would exist only £1095.[62]

Major cities – per capita petrol utilize vs. population density[63]

[edit]

Urban sprawl may be partly responsible for the decline in social capital in the Us. Compact neighborhoods can foster coincidental social interactions amongst neighbors, while sprawl creates barriers. Sprawl tends to replace public spaces with private spaces such as fenced-in backyards.[64]

Critics of sprawl maintain that sprawl erodes quality of life. Duany and Plater-Zyberk believe that in traditional neighborhoods the nearness of the workplace to retail and restaurant space that provides cafes and convenience stores with daytime customers is an essential component to the successful balance of urban life. Furthermore, they country that the closeness of the workplace to homes also gives people the choice of walking or riding a wheel to work or school and that without this kind of interaction between the different components of life the urban pattern speedily falls apart.[39] James Howard Kunstler has argued that poor aesthetics in suburban environments brand them "places not worth caring well-nigh", and that they lack a sense of history and identity.[65]

Urban sprawl has class and racial implications in many parts of the world; the relative homogeneity of many sprawl developments may reinforce course and racial divides through residential segregation.

Numerous studies link increased population density with increased aggression.[66] Some people believe that increased population density encourages crime and anti-social behavior. Information technology is argued that man beings, while social animals, need pregnant amounts of social space or they become agitated and aggressive.[67] However, the relationship between college densities and increased social pathology has been largely discredited.[68]

Debate [edit]

Morrisville, North Carolina (north side of Morrisville-Carpenter Road)

Morrisville, North Carolina (south side of Morrisville-Carpenter Road)

Rural neighborhoods in Morrisville, Northward Carolina are quickly developing into flush, urbanized neighborhoods and subdivisions. The 2 images higher up are on opposite sides of the same street.

According to Nancy Mentum, a large number of effects of sprawl have been discussed in the academic literature in some detail; nevertheless, the virtually contentious issues can be reduced "to an older set of arguments, between those advocating a planning approach and those advocating the efficiency of the market place."[11] Those who criticize sprawl tend to argue that sprawl creates more problems than information technology solves and should be more heavily regulated, while proponents argue that markets are producing the economically most efficient settlements possible in most situations, even if problems may exist.[11] However, some marketplace-oriented commentators believe that the current patterns of sprawl are in fact the result of distortions of the gratis market.[11] Chin cautions that there is a lack of "reliable empirical testify to back up the arguments made either for or against sprawl." She mentions that the lack of a common definition, the need for more than quantitative measures "a broader view both in fourth dimension and infinite, and greater comparison with alternative urban forms" would exist necessary to draw firmer conclusions and conduct more fruitful debates.[xi]

Arguments opposing urban sprawl include concrete furnishings such as health and environmental issues as well as abstruse consequences including neighborhood vitality. American public policy analyst Randal O'Toole of the Cato Institute, a libertarian think tank, has argued that sprawl, thanks to the automobile, gave ascent to affordable suburban neighborhoods for eye class and lower course individuals, including non-whites. He notes that efforts to combat sprawl often result in subsidizing evolution in wealthier and whiter neighborhoods while condemning and demolishing poorer minority neighborhoods.[69]

Groups that oppose sprawl [edit]

The American Found of Architects, American Planning Clan, and Smart Growth America recommend against sprawl and instead endorses smart, mixed-utilize evolution, including buildings in close proximity to one another that cut downwardly on auto use, save free energy, and promote walkable, healthy, well-designed neighborhoods.[70] [71] The Sierra Club, the San Francisco Bay Area's Greenbelt Alliance, one thousand Friends of Oregon and counterpart organizations nationwide, and other environmental organizations oppose sprawl and support investment in existing communities.[72] [73] NumbersUSA, a national organization advocating clearing reduction, also opposes urban sprawl,[74] and its executive manager, Roy Beck, specializes in the study of this upshot.[75]

Consumer preference [edit]

One of the primary debates around suburban sprawl is the extent to which sprawl is the result of consumer preference. Some, such equally Peter Gordon, a professor of planning and economics at the University of Southern California'southward School of Urban Planning and Development, argue that most households have shown a articulate preference for low-density living and that this is a fact that should non be ignored past planners.[76] Gordon and his frequent collaborator, Harry Richardson have argued that "The principle of consumer sovereignty has played a powerful role in the increase in America's wealth and in the welfare of its citizens. Producers (including developers) accept responded rapidly to households' demands. Information technology is a giant pace backward to interfere with this effective process unless the benefits of intervention substantially exceed its cost."[77] They contend that sprawl generates enough benefits for consumers that they continue to choose information technology as a form of development over alternative forms, as demonstrated by the continued focus on sprawl type developments by nigh developers.[48] However, other academics such every bit Reid Ewing argue that while a large segment of people prefer suburban living that does not mean that sprawl itself is preferred by consumers, and that a large variety of suburban environments satisfy consumer need, including areas that mitigate the worst furnishings of sprawl.[12] Others, for instance Kenneth T. Jackson[78] have argued that since low-density housing is oft (notably in the The statesA.) subsidized in a variety of ways, consumers' professed preferences for this type of living may be over-stated.[11]

Car dependency [edit]

Whether urban sprawl increases the issues of motorcar dependency or non, policies of smart growth have been fiercely contested problems over several decades. An influential study in 1989 by Peter Newman and Jeff Kenworthy compared 32 cities beyond North America, Australia, Europe and Asia.[63] The study has been criticised for its methodology,[79] but the main finding, that denser cities, peculiarly in Asia, accept lower car utilise than sprawling cities, particularly in North America, has been largely accepted, although the relationship is clearer at the extremes across continents than it is within countries where weather are more similar.

Within cities, studies from across many countries (mainly in the developed globe) have shown that denser urban areas with greater mixture of land use and better public send tend to have lower car use than less dumbo suburban and ex-urban residential areas. This usually holds true even later controlling for socio-economic factors such as differences in household composition and income.[80] [81] This does non necessarily imply that suburban sprawl causes high car apply, however. 1 confounding factor, which has been the bailiwick of many studies, is residential self-selection:[82] people who prefer to drive tend to motility towards low density suburbs, whereas people who prefer to walk, cycle or use transit tend to move towards higher density urban areas, better served past public ship. Some studies take found that, when cocky-selection is controlled for, the built environs has no significant effect on travel behavior.[83] More recent studies using more sophisticated methodologies accept mostly refuted these findings: density, land utilize and public transport accessibility can influence travel behavior, although social and economic factors, particularly household income, usually exert a stronger influence.[84]

Those not opposed to depression density development argue that traffic intensities tend to be less, traffic speeds faster and, equally a consequence, ambient air pollution is lower. (Run across demographia's written report.) Kansas Metropolis, Missouri is often cited as an example of ideal low-density development, with congestion below the mean and home prices below comparable Midwestern cities. Wendell Cox and Randal O'Toole are leading figures supporting lower density evolution.

Longitudinal (time-lapse) studies of commute times in major metropolitan areas in the United states of america have shown that commute times decreased for the period 1969 to 1995 even though the geographic size of the metropolis increased.[85] Other studies suggest, still, that possible personal benefits from commute time savings take been at the expense of environmental costs in the form of longer average commute distances,[86] rising vehicles-miles-traveled (VMT) per worker,[87] and despite route expansions, worsening traffic congestion.[88]

Transportation inequality [edit]

Critics of urban sprawl say that the United states' improper treatment of minority groups' access to transportation is a major downside to the continuation of urban sprawl. In many urban centers, such as Los Angeles and San Francisco, transportation in minority areas is lacking. As found past Kate Baldridge of Aureate Gate University Law, areas with high minority populations typically encounter less than acceptable transportation options, leading to overcrowded and unsafe transportation routes that do non provide a comprehensive means of transportation.[89] This disparity is fabricated more axiomatic considering minority residents are more than reliant on public transportation. According to Baldridge, this means that minority groups cannot motility from urban areas, while people with higher incomes and thus ameliorate access to transportation can move out of urban areas and into surrounding suburbs.[89]

Paradox of intensification [edit]

Reviewing the show on urban intensification, smart growth and their effects on travel behaviour Melia et al. (2011)[90] found support for the arguments of both supporters and opponents of smart growth measures to counteract urban sprawl. Planning policies that increase population densities in urban areas do tend to reduce car use, but the consequence is a weak one, so doubling the population density of a particular surface area will not halve the frequency or distance of auto employ.

These findings led them to propose the paradox of intensification, which states:

Ceteris paribus, urban intensification which increases population density will reduce per capita car use, with benefits to the global environment, but will also increment concentrations of motor traffic, worsening the local environment in those locations where information technology occurs.

Risk of increased housing prices [edit]

There is also some business organization that anti-sprawl policies volition increase housing prices. Some inquiry suggests Oregon has had the largest housing affordability loss in the nation,[91] but other inquiry shows that Portland's price increases are comparable to other Western cities.[92]

In Australia, it is claimed by some that housing affordability has hit "crunch levels" due to "urban consolidation" policies implemented by country governments.[93] In Sydney, the ratio of the price of a house relative to income is 9:ane[ clarification needed ].[94] The issue has at times been debated between the major political parties.[95]

Proposed alternatives [edit]

Many critics concede that sprawl produces some negative externalities; nonetheless at that place is some dispute about the most constructive way to reduce these negative effects. Gordon & Richardson for example argue that the costs of building new public transit is disproportionate to the actual environmental or economic benefits, that land utilise restrictions will increase the cost of housing and restrict economical opportunity, that infill possibilities are besides limited to make a major divergence to the structure of American cities, and that the government would demand to coerce most people to live in a way that they exercise non want to in social club to substantially change the impact of sprawl.[48] They argue that the property market should be deregulated to permit dissimilar people to alive equally they wish, while providing a framework of market place based fees (such as emission fees, congestion charging or road pricing) to mitigate many of the problems associated with sprawl such equally congestion and increased pollution.[77]

Alternative development styles [edit]

Early on attempts at combatting urban sprawl [edit]

Starting in the early 20th century, environmentalist opposition to urban sprawl began to coalesce, with roots in the garden city move, likewise equally pressure from campaign groups such every bit the Campaign to Protect Rural England (CPRE).

Under Herbert Morrison's 1934 leadership of the London County Council, the first formal proposal was fabricated past the Greater London Regional Planning Committee "to provide a reserve supply of public open up spaces and of recreational areas and to establish a greenish belt or girdle of open space". It was again included in an advisory Greater London Programme prepared by Patrick Abercrombie in 1944.[96] The Town and Country Planning Act of 1947 expressly incorporated light-green belts into all farther national urban developments.

New provisions for compensation in the 1947 Town and Country Planning Act allowed local regime around the country to comprise green belt proposals in their starting time development plans. The codification of Green Chugalug policy and its extension to areas other than London came with the historic Circular 42/55 inviting local planning authorities to consider the establishment of Green Belts. The showtime urban growth boundary in the U.South. was in Fayette County, Kentucky, in 1958.[97]

Maryland [edit]

Maryland underwent many "Smart Growth" initiatives, starting in 1997 with the Smart Growth Areas Act. This deed allocated funding towards areas that either were already undergoing growth, or areas that had plans of growth.[98] Maryland also implemented the 1997 Rural Legacy Act, which distributed grants to private country owners and allowed them to purchase development rights. Brownfields Voluntary Cleanup and Revitalization Incentive Programs also incentivized the usage of previously contaminated properties past allowing holding owners to avoid liability for the holding. The land too offered incentives, such as tax breaks and loans for repairs to contaminated areas. Some other program created past the state of Maryland was the Job Cosmos Tax Credit Program, which encouraged businesses to relocate into select areas, reducing the intensity of urban sprawl in some areas.[98] The Live Near Your Work Programme too incentivized employees to purchase homes in areas closer to their work. This led to a reduced commute time, and more of an emphasis on homeownership rather than renting.

Contemporary anti-sprawl initiatives [edit]

Many Canadian cities feature numerous pockets of loftier density throughout fifty-fifty their most distant suburbs. As a result, some Canadian suburbs have skylines that rival large American cities. Pictured are the skylines of Burnaby, British Columbia, a suburb of Vancouver.

The term 'smart growth' has been especially used in North America. The terms 'meaty urban center' and 'urban intensification' are oftentimes used to describe similar concepts in Europe, and particularly in the UK, where it has influenced authorities policy and planning practice in contempo years.

The state of Oregon enacted a police force in 1973 limiting the area urban areas could occupy, through urban growth boundaries. As a result, Portland, the state'southward largest urban surface area, has become a leader in smart growth policies that seek to make urban areas more than compact (they are called urban consolidation policies). After the creation of this purlieus, the population density of the urbanized area increased somewhat (from i,135 in 1970[99] to ane,290 per km2 in 2000.[100]) Although the growth purlieus has non been tight enough to vastly increment density, the consensus is that the growth boundaries have protected swell amounts of wild areas and farmland around the metro surface area.

Much of San Francisco Bay Area has besides adopted urban growth boundaries; 25 of its cities and 5 of its counties have urban growth boundaries. Many of these were adopted with the support and advocacy of Greenbelt Alliance, a non-profit land conservation and urban planning organization.

In other areas, the pattern principles of Commune Regionalism and New Urbanism have been employed to combat urban sprawl. The concept of circular menses land use direction has been developed in Europe to reduce state take by urban sprawl through promoting inner-city and brownfield development.

Although cities such as Los Angeles are well known for sprawling suburbs, policies and public opinion are changing. Transit-oriented development, in which college-density mixed-use areas are permitted or encouraged about transit stops, is encouraging more than meaty development in sure areas: especially those with light and heavy rail transit systems.

Bicycles are the preferred ways of travel in many countries:[101] Also, bicycles are permitted in public transit. Businesses in areas of some towns in which bicycle utilize is high are thriving. Bicycles and transit contribute in two of import ways toward the success of businesses:[102]

  1. People living the closest to these business organisation districts on average have more coin to spend locally because they spend less on their cars.
  2. Considering such people rely more on bicycling, walking, and transit than on driving, they tend to focus more of their commerce on locally-endemic neighborhood businesses that are convenient for them to reach.

Walkability is a measure of how friendly an area is to walking. Walkability has many health, ecology, and economic benefits. Nevertheless, evaluating walkability is challenging because it requires the consideration of many subjective factors.[103] Factors influencing walkability include the presence or absenteeism and quality of footpaths, sidewalks, or other pedestrian right-of-means, traffic and road conditions, country utilise patterns, building accessibility, and safety, among others.[104] Walkability is an important concept in sustainable urban blueprint.[105]

Land use policies are one potential avenue to reduce the furnishings of urban sprawl. These policies take the form of boundaries to urban growth, regional development rights, and development centralized in urban cities. Housing policies, such as inclusionary zoning, rental vouchers in suburban areas, and a focus on employer-assisted housing are another approach to combatting urban sprawl. Gasoline taxes and increased funding towards the construction of public transportation also help to reduce the necessity of commuting in and out of urban areas.[98]

See also [edit]

[edit]

  • Compact metropolis
  • Conurbation
  • Furnishings of the motorcar on societies
  • Gentrification
  • General Motors streetcar conspiracy
  • Alphabetize of urban studies articles
  • New pedestrianism
  • Principles of intelligent urbanism
  • Rural–urban fringe
  • Ribbon development
  • Smart growth
  • Town centre
  • Urban planning
  • Urbanization
  • Waste direction
  • Wildland–urban interface

[edit]

  • Affluenza
  • Boomburb
  • Commuter boondocks
  • Concentric zone model
  • Conspicuous consumption
  • Consumerism
  • Deforestation
  • Demography
  • Edge city
  • Elbow roomers
  • Garden real estate
  • Gentrification
  • Habitat fragmentation
  • Induced demand
  • Landscape ecology
  • Location Efficient Mortgage
  • Megacity
  • Microdistrict
  • Middle class
  • NIMBY
  • Overconsumption
  • Peak oil
  • Planned customs
  • Prime number farmland
  • Regional planning
  • Rural flight
  • Simple living
  • Spatial planning
  • Streetcar suburb
  • Suburbanization
  • Urban decay
  • World population

Notes and references [edit]

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Further reading [edit]

  • Baudrillard, Jean (1983). Simulacra and Simulation.
  • Bruegmann, Robert (2005). Sprawl: A Compact History . Academy of Chicago Press. ISBN978-0-226-07691-1.
  • Crawford, Margaret (1992) "The Earth in a Shopping Mall" in Sorkin, Michael (ed.), Variations on a Theme Park, The new American city and the cease of public infinite, Colina and Wang, New York, pp. three–30.
  • Cervero, Robert (1986). Suburban Gridlock. Transaction.
  • Cervero, Robert (1989). America'south Suburban Centers: The Land Utilize-Transportation Link. Unwin-Hyman.
  • Davies, Ross (1960). Retail Planning Policies in Western Europe . Routledge.
  • DeGrove, John and Robyne Turner (1991) "Local Regime in Florida: Coping with Massive and Sustained Growth" in Huckshorn, R. (ed.) Government and Politics in Florida, University of Florida Press, Gainesville.
  • Frieden, Bernard J. and Sagalyn, Lynne B. (1989) Downtown Inc.: How America Rebuilds Cities, MIT Press, Cambridge, MA.
  • Freilich, Robert H.; Sitkowski, Robert J.; Mennillo, Seth D. (2010). From Sprawl to Sustainability, Smart Growth, New Urbanism, Green Development and Renewable Energy. American Bar Association Publishing. ISBN978-i-60442-812-4.
  • Edge Metropolis: Life on the New Frontier by Garreau, Joel, Anchor Books/Doubleday New York, 1991.
  • Gielen, Tristan. Coping with compaction; the demon of sprawl. Auckland, Random House New Zealand, 2006.
  • Dolores Hayden; Jim Wark (2004). A Field Guide to Sprawl. West. W. Norton & Company. ISBN978-0-393-73125-5.
  • Gruen, Victor and Larry Smith (1960) Shopping towns USA: the planning of shopping centers, Van Nostrand Reinhold Company, New York.
  • Hirschhorn, Joel S. (2005), Sprawl Kills – How Blandburbs Steal Your Fourth dimension, Health, and Money. New York: Sterling & Ross. ISBN 0-9766372-0-0
  • Ingersoll, Richard, "Sprawltown: Looking for the Urban center on Its Edges". Princeton Architectural Press, 2006. ISBN 9781568985664
  • Jacobs, Jane. The Death and Life of Great American Cities
  • Jameson, Fredric (1990). Postmodernism or the cultural logic of late capitalism.
  • James, Paul; Holden, 1000000; Lewin, Mary; Neilson, Lyndsay; Oakley, Christine; Truter, Fine art; Wilmoth, David (2013). "Managing Metropolises by Negotiating Mega-Urban Growth". In Harald Mieg and Klaus Töpfer (ed.). Institutional and Social Innovation for Sustainable Urban Development. Routledge.
  • Koolhaas, Rem (2003). Junkspace, Harvard Design School Guide to Shopping. Harvard Press.
  • The Geography of Nowhere: The rise and refuse of America's human-fabricated landscape (ISBN 0-671-70774-four) by James Howard Kunstler
  • Lewinnek, Elaine. The Working Man'south Reward: Chicago'south Early Suburbs and the Roots of American Sprawl. Oxford, England: Oxford University Press, 2014.
  • David C. Seoule, ed. (2006). Urban Sprawl A comprehensive Reference Guide. Greenwood Printing. ISBN978-0-313-32038-5.
  • Gregory D. Squires, ed. (2002). Urban Sprawl: Causes, Consequences and Policy Responses. The Urban Institute Press. ISBN978-0-87766-709-4.
  • Suarez, Ray (1999). The Old Neighborhood: What we lost in the great suburban migration: 1966-1999. Gratuitous Press. ISBN978-0684834023.
  • Stein, Jay (1993). Growth Management: The planning challenge of the 1990s . Sage Publications.
  • Vicino, Thomas, J. Transforming Race and Grade in Suburbia: Decline in Metropolitan Baltimore. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2008.

Articles and reports [edit]

  • Baumeister, Thousand (2012) Managing Urban Sprawl: Reconsidering Development Price Charges in Canada
  • Ewing, Reid (1997). "Is Los Angeles-Mode Sprawl Desirable?". Journal of the American Planning Association. 63 (one): 107–126. doi:ten.1080/01944369708975728.
  • Ontario Higher of Family unit Physicians. (2005) Study on Public Health and Urban Sprawl in Ontario: A Review of Pertinent Literature
  • Rybczynski, Witold (November 7, 2005). "Suburban Despair". Slate.

Video [edit]

  • Radiant City, is a 2006 National Pic Lath of Canada documentary on suburban sprawl

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Source: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Urban_sprawl

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